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The idea that religion has a dangerous tendency to promote violence is part of the conventional wisdom of Western societies, and it underlies many of our institutions and policies, from limits on the public role of religion to efforts to promote liberal democracy in the Middle East. William T. Cavanaugh challenges this conventional wisdom by examining how the twin categories of religion and the secular are constructed. A growing body of scholarly work explores how the category ‘religion’ has been constructed in the modern West and in colonial contexts according to specific configurations of political power. Cavanaugh draws on this scholarship to examine how timeless and transcultural categories of ‘religion and ‘the secular’ are used in arguments that religion causes violence. He argues three points: 1) There is no transhistorical and transcultural essence of religion. What counts as religious or secular in any given context is a function of political configurations of power; 2) Such a transhistorical and transcultural concept of religion as non-rational and prone to violence is one of the foundational legitimating myths of Western society; 3) This myth can be and is used to legitimate neo-colonial violence against non-Western others, particularly the Muslim world.
If globalization is to be a benefit and not a burden to humankind, it must be governed by global institutions that are perceived by all people to be democratic and just. But before we can create such institutions, we must imagine them, and that requires a rethinking and extension of normative political theory. Global Justice and Transnational Politics encourages and advances that work.The book’s first part, “Weak Universalism,” contains essays by Amartya Sen and Leif Wenar that offer constructive developments of John Rawls’s statement of the principles a liberal polity might reasonably propose to govern its relations with other peoples. The second part, “Strong Universalism and Transnational Commitments,” contains essays by Jurgen Habermas, David Luban, Martha Nussbaum, and Thomas Pogge examining the normative sources and possible types of cross-border commitments. In the third part, “Transnational Politics and National Identities,” Habermas discusses the possibility of a democratic political order developing within the institutional framework of the European Union; Thomas McCarthy draws on Kant to show how cosmopolitanism might be reconciled with the legacy of nationalism; and Craig Calhoun tries to retrieve a positive aspect of the tradition of nationalism, namely that it provides large populations with a powerful way of imagining political community across space and time.
ما از اخلاق چه انتظاری داریم؟ این سوال شاید تاحدودی برای عموم مردم و یا متخصصان این رشته قابل پاسخ باشد؛ اینکه خوب بودن را به ما بیاموزد و در تنظیم روابط فردی م...
جشن کتاب تهران به ایستگاه سی و یکم رسیده است. حال و احوال نشر کتاب خوب نیست و باید فرهنگدوستان را به خرید و هدیه دادن کتاب ترغیب نمود. خانه اخلاقپژوهان جوان ب...
بنیاد کتابهای اخلاق اسلامی عمدتا پالایش جان از آلودگیها و آراستن آن به زیباییها است. اندیشه محوری این قبیل کتابها آن است که انسان فعلی آنی نیست که باید باشد...
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